Since the 19th
century, individuals such as Frederick Law Olmstead have imbued the American
psyche with a mental attachment to environmental determinism, or the idea that the
function of a place will follow the form. This philosophy, long attractive to
upper and middle class citizens hopeful of “reforming”, “improving” and
“controlling” races and classes perceived as blighted, has arguably fallen
short time and again as public parks and carefully constructed neighborhoods
across the nation have developed their own characters and cultural practices.
In short, it is arguably far more common in the modern and post-modern American
city to find cultural practices and performances taking place in spaces that
architecturally reflect a different original intent.
Austin,
Texas, one of the nation’s fastest growing cities, is no exception to this dichotomous
relationship between design and use. In the following paper I argue that the
cultural practices and performances suggested by both the physical architecture
and the transportation infrastructure at Saltillo Plaza in East Austin, do not match
the realities of its use, and that furthermore, the real use of the space is a
representative of a wider demographic and cultural shifts happening in East
Austin as the city undergoes an upswing in development.
In
the introduction to her piece ‘Whose Culture? Whose City?” Sharon Zukin writes,
“Building a city depends on how people combine the traditional economic factors
of land, labor, and capital. But it also depends on how they manipulate
symbolic languages of exclusion and entitlement” and “the look and feel of
cities reflect…uses of aesthetic power.” (Zukin, 7). Plaza Saltillo, located on
East 5th street between Comal and Onion, reflects three collections
of cultural intentions and practices: that of its namesake, Saltillo, those of
the East Austin residents who facilitated its creation, and those of the new
wave of residents following Austin’s growth and re-growth across I-35 from
downtown.
Saltillo
Plaza was commissioned and opened by the City of Austin in 1998. The
architecture of the plaza is based on influences from Spain and Mexico, and the
ornate benches, as well as the bronze bust of Vito Alessio Robles, were given
to the City by the City of Saltillo in Coahuila Mexico as part of the Sister
Cities International program. The program, founded by President Eisenhower,
serves to facilitate people to people interaction, as well as economic growth,
between participating cities. An Austin 360 interview with former Austin Mayor
Gus Garcia revealed that this project was a result of the political
consciousness of East Austin that was shaped by the Economy Furniture Company
Strike in 1968, and the following two decades of elected officials such as Richard
Moya, as well as the work of council members like Betty Dunkerley. A radio
interview with Kathy Vazquez, one of the East Austin members of Ole Mexico, a
group of East Austin restaurateurs instrumental in the Plaza’s construction,
spoke of the builders’ intent, saying that “if the city invested money to bring
more people to the area and invest in safety, that tourists and people from
west Austin would come and eat at the restaurants in the area.” With this
background in mind, it seems natural to view the wrought iron work, the central
bandstand, the vendors’ counters, the revolutionary bust, and the central
fountain of the plaza as a symbol of East Austin cultural and political
enfranchisement. However, the mind’s eye-view of a bustling central plaza is
far from realized on an average weekday. Men do not play cards or dominoes in
the shade as they do in Mexico. Children are not playing, and the counters are
empty of goods. Fifth Street itself seems empty too except for cars parked in
the side street angle parking—old warehouse structures dominate the landscape,
and the bustle of the restaurants that Ole Mexico campaigned for, doesn’t seem
to be visible.
The census data for the tract containing
Saltillo Plaza reveal that the population for the tract is 81% minority, with
African Americans outnumbering Hispanics. The tract population’s median income
for 2010 was $30,316, and 41% of its residents fall below the poverty
line. Housing-wise, the median house age is 59 years, and about half of the
residents rent their housing units. About a block northeast of the Plaza is
Chalmers Court, one of Austin’s Housing Authority apartment blocks. The
surrounding area is filled out with small houses, most with fenced in yards,
including a few vacant lots with tall grass and a bit of scattered litter.
Corrugated metal fences between the Plaza and Chalmers features graffiti that
urban geographers like Zukin have referred to as “gritty.” On the north side of
5th street from the plaza there is a district in transition as old
large structures (some industrial) are renovated into higher-end establishments
like Progress Coffee shop on 5th and San Antonio. “Old Downtown”
style parking here is still plentiful—garages haven’t sprung up as they have in
the 2nd street district. The connection to the rest of the city
seems to operate primarily through auto and bus traffic, as the MetroRail
station stands mostly empty, and the train stops for short periods of time
infrequently.
These
renovated structures are indicative of the true hustle and bustle of the plaza,
and of the neighborhood at large—energy and cultural use comes not from the
residents of Chalmers Court, or the surrounding houses, but from outsiders,
flowing in each weekend for specially planned and choreographed cultural events;
most notably the HOPE Farmer’s Market. HOPE is the longest operating market in East Austin and was voted
“Best Farmer’s Market” by the Austin Chronicle in 2012. This, plus the
demographic of mostly young, white individuals and families in the crowd on a
given Sunday, and the fact that only 8 out of the nearly 50 vendors listed on
their website actually sell produce, clearly illustrates that the market was
non-local to the neighborhood, and gentrified in a lot of ways. That said, HOPE
does appear to make a genuine effort at incorporating the community—they accept
SNAP/EBT and WIC benefits, and the HOPE Farm Stand serves as a place for local
gardeners to sell their small harvests.
Additionally, some vendors are cultural and racial leaders, such as Salud
de Paloma Olive Oil; the only Latina owned olive oil enterprise in the state.
The market and the rail station are both “succeeding” in some sense that they
provide life to the otherwise empty plaza. The intended purpose of economic and cultural growth and
centrality that the Ole Mexico advocates had in mind is arguably now being
fulfilled, but it is notably now out of the control of the community leaders
who envisioned its construction.
The
farmer’s market, as well as seasonal events like the annual Dia de los
Muertos parade, both arguably seek to re-create a neighborhood ideal that is
slipping away as developers look East from the “revitalized” downtown area.
However, with the events dominated in attendance and production by outsiders
and non-minorities, I believe Zukin and others would agree with me that though
positive in nature, the very liveliness of the Plaza exhibits a loss in and of
itself. As Austin grows in symbolic cultural products from markets to music,
and condos like the nearby 262 units development dubbed “Corazon” loom in the
distance, the Plaza, and the city, are no longer so closely tied to
neighborhood advocates, but to a larger image of economic growth. The culture
that built Plaza Saltillo may not disappear from the city, but as it becomes
increasingly shadowed beneath cultural representations of itself and with an
influx of non-neighborhood consumers, practices will continue to occur separate
from, if not in opposition to, the design and intent of the spaces where they
take place.
Sources/Appendix
1. Zukin, Sharon. “Whose Culture? Whose City” 1996. The Cultures of
Cities. 1st ed. Blackwell Publishers.
2. Census tables (www.uscensus.gov)
Demographics
Tract Population
|
5413
|
Tract Minority Population
|
4405
|
Tract Minority %
|
81.38
|
American Indian Population
|
14
|
Number of Families
|
1000
|
Asian/Hawaiian/Pacific Islander Population
|
45
|
Number of Households
|
1733
|
Black Population
|
393
|
Non-Hispanic White Population
|
1008
|
Hispanic Population
|
3902
|
Other/Two or More Races Population
|
51
|
Income
Tract Income Level
|
Low
|
Tract Median Family Income %
|
42.33
|
2010 MSA/MD/statewide non-MSA/MD Median Family Income
|
$71,602
|
2010 Tract Median Family Income
|
$30,316
|
2012 FFIEC Estimated MSA/MD/non-MSA/MD Median Family Income
|
$75,900
|
2012 Estimated Tract Median Family Income
|
$32,128
|
% below Poverty Line
|
41.48
|
2010 Tract Median Household Income
|
$31,662
|
Housing
Total Housing Units
|
1870
|
Owner-Occupied Units
|
851
|
1- to 4- Family Units
|
1542
|
Renter Occupied Units
|
882
|
Median House Age (Years)
|
59
|
Vacant Units
|
|
Inside Principal City?
|
---
|
Owner Occupied 1- to 4- Family Units
|
782
|
3. Austin parks website
(http://www.austinparks.org/our-parks.html?parkid=313)
4. Corazon
Housing Development Cypress Real Estate Advisors: (http://www.lakeshoreaustin.com/location/)
5. Austin 360
History of Saltillo Plaza
(http://www.austin360.com/news/entertainment/arts-theater/a-plaza-apart-take-a-walk-through-the-short-hist-2/nRxGH/)
6. Sister
Cities International
(http://www.sister-cities.org)
7. Hope
Farmer’s Market Website
(http://hopefarmersmarket.org)
8. Austin
Housing Authority Website
(http://www.hacanet.org)
9. When in
Austin Radio
(http://www.wheninaustin.net/wia-shows/2013/3/2/weekly-show-plaza-saltillo-and-pogue-mahone-pickles)