Barton Creek Mall: Public vs. Private Space by Lauren Fedele

  

   Here in the United States there is a wide array of shopping malls and the population has grown accustom to them, even though there are many variations. Some malls have multiple stories while some are one level. Some have movie theatres, skating rinks, and other attractions while some simply have stores.  Many are enclosed spaces while others are more open and engaged with the outdoor environment. The list can go on. But, what defines a mall comes down to two things, how it looks aesthetically and its usage. These two elements reveal how the mall attempts to classify itself as a public or private space, which at times is an ongoing battle. As time has progressed, more people want a public space that resembles European street shops, which is apparent in many buildings architectural references. That is why new malls tend to be open and interact with the outside environment, giving the space a park like feel while still being controlled. We can see this in Austin at the Domain or in San Antonio at La Cantera mall. Barton Creek Mall, however, resembles the traditional shopping mall but projects itself as much more private than a typical mall.

         Barton Creek Mall is located on the Barton Creek Watershed and next to the Barton Creek Greenbelt on top of a hill, which makes it fairly elevated. It is primarily accessible by car and there is only one bus that stops at the mall making access to it limited. Additionally, very tall trees surround the edifice blurring the building. Once you have passed the foliage and the circles of parking lots, you can finally see the structure, however, the buildings lack of character and defining form make it feel like it is still trying to hide. Therefore, the exterior aesthetic with its buried location, lack of accessibility, and minimal character portrays the image of a protective, secluded, private building much like a castle or fort.

     When you enter the mall, it suddenly becomes more open and brighter making the space feel more public and free form. However, when you enter into an individual store you get the impression that you are entering a private space. The way the clothes racks and displays are arranged combined with the lighting and music, it controls how you move in the space and they are provoking a mood and ambiance that will hopefully promote the consumption of their products. When you leave a store, the atriums and hallways feel more open, free, and communal. It feels more like a public space such as a plaza or park. However, the placement of Kiosks and vendors in the middle of the hallways selling you T-mobile phones or perfumes are obstructing these “public spaces.” They are trying to further promote consumption but are also preventing demonstrations, protests, and performances from occurring in the space. Additionally, the fact that each individual store is separated by doors and that you consistently have to travel though separate spaces adds to the privatization of the individual stores in the mall. In the film,
“Blade Runner,” the city is designed in this similar controlling, enclosed, private form. The entire form of Barton Creek Mall is designed to portray a private space and conveys that it is intended to be used in a specific manner.

     Although Barton Creek Mall’s aesthetic and form portrays the mall as a private space, the people who come to the mall have slowly altered the use of it. The mall has become more of a park in multiple ways. For example, if you go to the mall during mid-day around noon on a weekday you will see three main groups of people are at the mall primarily to get out of their house. The first are families or stay at home mothers with their little kids. The second are teenagers, which can be found in groups or pairs typically walking around and talking. The third and last group is the elderly and they can be seen walking around, sitting, reading, or simply observing society. The mall is a relatively cheap form of entertainment and an easy social and gathering place. Taking into consideration that it is now the summer and too hot to be outside, this air-conditioned mall has been converted into a park. The benches and couches in the hallways and atriums of the mall are placed like they would in a park. People sit in them while talking to their friends, watching their kids play, reading their novels, or simply while waiting for their spouse to finish their shopping. You can see kids playing on the railings, on the fountains, and running around the atriums. Some people even come to the mall to exercise because it has air conditioning and it allows them to see and interact with people rather than at their enclosed gym or house. The reasons why people come to the mall are changing and the way the people at the mall are using the space is transforming.

     The mall is becoming a communal center, a place to interact with others and socialize. Although Barton Creek Mall is located in an area that is primarily middle to upper class and white, the mall attracts a wide range of people. You can see Hispanics, African Americans and Asians at the mall in addition to Caucasians. The stores located in the mall are mainly for middle class people. There are not many high-end or luxury stores like Dolce and Gabbana or Lactose. As you walk around, you can sometimes also hear other languages being spoken like Spanish. Even its lack of accessibility hasn’t stopped people from coming. One time when I was leaving the mall, I observed a lady and her two sons come out of a taxi that brought them to the mall. Barton Creek Mall is adapting to these changes also. They are playing more current music that speaks to the younger population. They have also added a kiosk that does currency exchange. I have never seen a currency exchange in a mall before but Barton Creek mall is trying to accommodate all its customers.

     There is no doubt that Barton Creek portrays itself as a privately owned space. The aesthetic of the building, its buried and fortified location, its lack of accessibility and controlling form indicate that. However, although it promotes consumption inside its walls with the use of banners, advertisements, and never ending string of vendors and stores which is the original and economic purpose of the building, it is transforming into a public communal center; into an indoor park. People of various ethnicities and economic class come to the mall as a form of entertainment and to socialize. Barton Creek is a prime example of the thin line between public and private space that malls hover.         

Sources

Census

http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml?pid=DEC_10_DP_DPDP1

Capital Metro

http://www.capmetro.org/schedulemap.aspx?f1=030&s=1&d=1

American planning Association

http://www.planning.org/greatplaces/spaces/characteristics.htm

Simon Malls

http://www.simon.com/about

Samo Pederson: The Shopping Mall as a Public Space

http://www.samoclub.com/pdf/shop.pdf

Blade Runner

The Ever Changing South Congress by Cole McGarrahan

South Congress Exterior Walls and Bumper Sticker Collage  

From my multiple observational visits to South Congress, and previous visits over the years I was able to find lots of examples of the varying types of people that visit the area. People that I talked to were mostly very open and willing to have a conversation. I talked to a middle-aged couple that was from Oregon visiting friends. They really liked the South Congress “vibe,” and they were hoping to go see the bats. Another older couple that I spoke to was from Detroit, and were visiting their daughter who stayed in Austin after graduating from UT. They were on South Congress to go to a fish restaurant called “Wahoo’s” for fish tacos, and to get Amy’s Ice Cream, after their daughter had recommended the place to them. They thought that Austin was laid back and aside from the traffic and extreme heat, very peaceful and friendly. One thing that stood out to me was the line of people each time I walked by Jo’s Coffee, not people buying coffee, but people taking pictures in front of the side of their wall with the iconic spray painted line “i love you so much” (redone because of tagging).

            South Congress Avenue is a five-lane road, with free side reverse-angle parking available, and bike lanes on both sides. There is usually traffic, due to multiple reasons including street parking, tourist sight seeing, business, and regular transportation. Behind some stores and restaurants there is extra parking and some parking garages; but there is not enough parking for the amount of people that visit on a busy day. A lot of people park in the residential neighborhoods around South Congress Avenue, in front of houses. Some neighborhood streets have no parking signs, some have nothing and others have hand written signs saying, “Please do not take my parking spot.” These interactions between public and private spaces are ones to look out for in the future. This new reverse-angle parking is a result in complaints of little available parking on the street, and from complaints of residents. The streets with tow away zones have cars with parking permits for the residents. It is pretty rare to see residents out in front of their yards; however there are lots of green lawns and many plotted plants.

            In addition to street parking along South Congress Avenue, there are pedestrian sidewalks and freshly paved corners with new bus benches. Light poles and other freestanding objects around sidewalks often have stickers of all kinds, from advertisements to political stances, pop culture images, and local and popular band emblems. This type of interaction with the environment is common on South Congress. People often times feel the need to express themselves and their beliefs publicly, and often times they do this by what some would call obstructing property. Most, if not all buildings on South Congress have been tagged with graffiti. Most businesses clean up or paint over the graffiti, and others have done a type of graffiti of their own, which can be seen on buildings like Lucy In Disguise. There are lots of old buildings still being used for businesses and stores today; lots of these buildings have interesting paint jobs, murals and artwork on the sides of them. Newer buildings seem to have sides made up of large glass windows, where everything is open and visible.

I also talked to people who stood out to me; I noticed a lot of people with tattoos and ear gauges. I remember talking to a ‘hipster’-looking group that was upset about South Congress changing, mainly talking about the removal of the food trailers and small retail tents. They say that these trailers are a major part of the spirit of Austin.

I attended Travis High School, which is not too far from South Congress, I have been familiar with the area my whole life and I have witnessed many changes, a lot of which have occurred recently. I’ve had friends that used to live in the neighborhood, but were forced to move because of increasing tax prices. There have been many new developments, remodeling and new modern box houses put in. As far as I can remember in my life, South Congress has been a cool place with good food choices. One of my favorite places, Fran’s Hamburgers is now closed. The food trailers, which were around for about seven years, are almost all gone, and there is a vacant lot that will soon be turned into hotels. To me the new change is sad because I liked how unique it all felt. However, the trailers were always expected to be a temporary thing. South Congress is constantly changing its identity, and many people today feel like the removal of these trailers will completely change, or already have changed the identity of South Congress.

I ate at a few of the restaurants throughout my visiting. I went to Hopdoddy Burger Bar, which has a big menu of burgers, and burgers made out of lamb, beef, bison, turkey, sushi and black bean-corn. This restaurant gives off a modern, all-natural, upper-class feel. The hipster looking waitress was nice and my Buffalo Bill burger was pretty delicious. Another day I ate at Home Slice, which has always been one of my favorite places on South Congress. It is almost always packed at Home Slice, which is why there is a “More” section of Home Slice now that serves mainly people who want single slices and the late night crowd. I’ve gone a few times after partying downtown to get a slice around 2 am. Home Slice has much better pizza than the pizza made on Sixth Street in my opinion. Another late night option that I love is Magnolia Café, which is full of characters at all different times.

I also visited Prima Dora, which has a variety of ‘Austin things’ for tourists, and gift givers. They also sell Tempurpedic mattresses, which seems pretty weird or random to me. I didn’t visit this store solely for the purpose of this project. Two of my friends Merylin and Julie work there. They both claim to like working there, but think that the products that they sell are way over priced and they can’t believe half of the things that people spend their money on. They also love testing out the beds. Julie also says that most of their business comes from tourists and “artsy” women. I didn’t buy anything at their store.

The recent success in the past twenty years has definitely changed both the image of South Congress and the demographics of the area. The new ‘Disneyfication’ of the area, along with success in the City of Austin, has brought in an influx of new homeowners interested in living near downtown, and near cool and edgy ‘SoCo.’ The gentrification of the neighborhoods around South Congress can be seen from the new large houses, some modern and some re-modeled.

Census data for this area of South Congress show that over half of the population is white, with the rest mainly Hispanic, with a median average income level around 40,000 to 50,000 dollars. Most residents are in their thirties, but ages range highly. The two main neighborhoods are Travis Heights and Bouldin Creek.

From its construction in the 1830’s, the farthest South Congress reached was Colorado Street, until it’s growth in the 1850’s. By 1890, there were only eight buildings on South Congress. St. Edwards College was built in 1887, bringing in some people, but it wasn’t until it was re-chartered as a university in 1925 until it grew. The South Congress area was initially pretty empty, but growth of small houses turned into neighborhoods. After the construction of the South Congress Bridge in 1910, people had a more reliable way to get to South Congress. South Congress started developing stores and hotels in the 1920’s and 1930’s as part of the South Congress Preservation Plan (McGraw). Automobiles made businesses possible in the late 1920s, and South Congress grew more. The neighborhoods grew when Mexicans were displaced from downtown, even though most moved to East Austin, others moved into the South Congress area. After being paved in 1931, South Congress Avenue was thought of as a corridor of the Capital. In the 1930’s as neighborhoods grew, they brought in businesses like grocery stores, barbershops, tourist shops, gas stations and restaurants. In the 1950’s South Congress had many hotels, burger stands and one of Austin’s first shopping strips. In the 1960’s and 1970’s South Congress became the home to artists and musicians. The 1980’s and 1990’s saw a decline in the area, and a subsequent rise in crime with a marked increase in prostitution and thefts in the hotel and motel businesses. The 2000’s saw a kind of renaissance, and reimplementation of retail shops and tourist attractions after ‘cleaning up the streets.’

Being from Austin, I personally have witnessed changes in South Congress, some good and some bad. I believe that it will remain a center for businesses and consumerism for a long time, even with the loss of its soul, because Austin is growing inwardly at such a fast pace. I hope that South Congress remains a “cool” place to visit and hang out. It will be interesting to watch what effect the continuing growth will do the area.

Barton Creek Mall, Public or Private Space by Agueda Matano

The Barton Creek Square Mall is one of the largest shopping malls in the Austin area. In North America, a mall refers to a large shopping area composed of one or more buildings forming a complex of shops, usually “anchored” by one or more department stores with interconnecting walkways enabling visitors to easily walk from one unit to another, and surrounded by a parking lot. In a simple sentence; a shopping mall is an indoor version of the traditional market place. Shopping malls are public good as they serve as a single location for shopping location that not only save money and time to its visitors, but also help fuel the local economy and provide jobs for its citizens. Shopping mall institutions promote themselves as new town squares or public spaces in which people should come and be friends, and get familiar with the community, and entertain while having the shopping experience. However they are promoted, shopping malls are privately owned establishments, which raise a big a controversy about public versus private space; the Barton Creek Mall is not an exception to this rule.

Margaret Kohn in Brave New Neighborhoods says: “today the only place that many Americans encounter strangers is in the shopping mall; the most important public place (page 254).” However she continues saying that this public place is now private and probably not by accident… so it is difficult to determine what exactly constitutes a public space. We define a public space as a place where all peoples are welcome independently of their race, social class, or gender… an area in which members of the public who are strangers to each other might congregate for the same purpose, and where ideas can be freely shared (almost like in the Greek polis). In this sense, the Barton creek Mall is a public space. Everyone is welcome; I personally saw people of all ethnicities at the site. Nonetheless, we also consider a public space an area for recreation and entertainment subject to usage by the public. In this manner, I guess that the mall fails as a public entity. At the Barton Creek just like any other mall, I believe that individuals perform learned behaviors based upon personal private interests which are consider appropriate civil behavior within the boundaries of their businesses. So, although the mall resembles the traditional market place in many ways, the shopping mall is more a quasi-public space.

The Barton Creek mall, is owned and operated by the Simon Group Property Inc., which is ranked as the number one real-estate investment trust and of course their main goal is to make a profit. So the mall was specifically designed with the purpose of movement and consumption, which in my understanding automatically limits the uses of the site. Likewise, activities in the mall are within a certain space limited to those that promote shopping or another particular agenda that sweeten the interest of the corporate owners. Even the aesthetics of the mall is somehow “limiting” or else exclusive, as the mall was designed for its higher income trade area; something that can clearly be seen from the type of cars in the parking lot, to the watches, and handbags of the visitors. Although you see all kinds of people in the site, visitors are mainly middle-to upper middle class white persons; in this way the mall matches the demographics of its surrounding areas and although indirectly, excludes the less privileged which cannot afford to shop there. I guess this should not be the case of public spaces. So I find it hard to answer the question of whether the place is democratic. According to the Merriam Webster definition the world democracy means “rule by the people,” then with the Barton Creek mall being privately owned, I assume that the owners have the power to decide what can and what cannot take place… Although there is not any constitutional prohibition against legislation protecting political speech in places where citizens were normally allowed to be (including public areas of private malls), citizens need to remember that civil rights and commercial interest do not always mix, and when this is the case, certain liberties are surely lost. Like Margaret Kohn states “ the privatization of public spaces, leaves public sidewalks and streets practically as the only remaining available sites for unscripted political activities (page 254)”… The idea of a public space includes the gathering of people with the absence of coercive powers as well, as quasi-public destination being designed around the concept of security. At the Barton Creek shopping Mall for instance, there are security guards who are well uniformed and patrol the mall corridors and the outside area by car. There are also security cameras throughout the mall, and despite not seeing any particular sign dictating what behaviors are appropriate inside the mall, the fact that the mall is patrolled on a regular basis detracts a little from the concept of the public space that shopping malls try to convey.

The Barton Creek Mall, like other malls, is really a façade of a public space. Economic circumstances define the accessibility of the site and which level of income one must have in order to participate. You cannot simply approach people and speak to them; something that I know from my personal experience on the first part of the assignment. People would not even listen to what I had to say just because I was not carrying any shopping bags… I felt a lot like an intruder that did not belong there, or do anything in the mall space because you will be asked to leave. Nevertheless, the mall is becoming not only a multi-use facility, but a completely self contained homotopia of suburban life… the shopping mall is so attractive because it combines the pleasures of public life with the safety and familiarity of the private realm. And this is exactly what poses a number of conceptual challenges upon which public policy makers must act: the problem of privatization of public spaces.   

“The Mauling of Public Space” From Kohn, Margaret. Brave New Neighborhoods: The Privatization of Public Space. Routledge, 2004.

The Gentrification of Rainey Street by Leena R. Vazirani

Gentrification, or the urban renewal of lower income neighborhoods, is the process of restoring run down areas by a wealthier class, resulting in the displacement of long time low-income residents.  As a born and raised Austinite, I’ve seen this phenomenon occurring throughout my hometown, and this is exactly what is happening at The Rainey Street Historical District in Austin, Texas. The Victorian style homes and bungalows on Rainey Street were originally developed in 1884 for middle class white families. As suburbanization moved them out of the downtown area to new suburbs, Mexican American families moved in for the desirable lower rents. The area remained a single-family residential area until it was rezoned as a Central Business District in 2004. This was the beginning of the redevelopment and gentrification of Rainey Street.[1]

Gone are most of the low-income families who couldn’t afford to keep up with the over inflated property taxes and rapidly rising rents. Property taxes are directly proportionate to property value. Given that property values skyrocketed as homes sold for around $400,000 each, many low-income earners couldn’t afford their property taxes and were displaced to other parts of town. From 2000 to 2010, the population in the area more than doubled from 2,386 to 5,512 residents even as old residents left.[2]

Present day Rainey Street is a mixed-use landscape. It is a small strip of bungalow-turned-bars, high-rise condos, food trailers and the remaining single-family residences situated on a two way residential street. As of March 2013, the city set up 31 “Pay to Park” meters on either side of the street and surrounding areas to improve mobility on the street and reduce congestion.[3] There are nearby parking lots as well as a resident who charges $5.00 to park in his backyard. The street is designed for walkability as most residential areas are. With their vintage style chairs, unique fencing, and even the choice of outdoor lighting, each bar on Rainey Street adds its own unique touch to the Austin feel. On a given summer night it is common to see people of differing ethnicities and ages socializing together in a very laid back setting and most importantly, having fun. Whether patrons are socializing outdoors, hula hooping at Lustre Pearl, playing a friendly game of ping pong, swinging in a hammock at Lucile’s, playing a friendly match of bean bag toss at Bungalow, or picking up food from one of the many food trailers, there is always positive activity and movement.  In the many times I have visited Rainey Street, I have never heard a single argument nor witnessed a fight. Instead, everyone maintains the easygoing vibe, which is unique in itself.

Typical patrons range in age from mid-twenties to mid-thirties, which is similar to the demographic of those living in the immediate area. According to American Fact Finder, 18.3% of the 78701 zip code is composed of residents in the 25-29 year age group. The next largest group is composed of residents in the 30-34 year age range, which accounts for 14.9% of the zip code. This isn’t to say that Rainey is limited to a certain age group. Everyone is welcome on Rainey. For example, while visiting Craft Pride on a Sunday afternoon, I saw a little girl dancing to a local country rock band and drinking juice from her bottle on the back patio. Her grandfather supervised her from his chair as nearby patrons sipped on their beer and ate chicken bacon waffles. Anything and everything goes. Rainey is a very “come as you are” type of place. This is consistent with the Austin vibe. There is no specified dress code. Most tend to dress very casually in summer attire: t-shirts, jeans, cargo pants, summer dresses, tennis shoes and flip-flops. Dressy attire is acceptable as well, but considering that most people socialize outdoors and the area isn’t upscale in design, it is perfectly appropriate to come casual.

People who frequently visit and live on Rainey Street are typically Austenites, both local and Californian transplants, as well as tourists. One man I spoke with relocated from San Diego a year ago. In this short amount of time, he already refers to himself as an Austenite and calls Austin home. In speaking with him, I learned that he worked in the investment field of finance for a few years, but decided to relocate to Austin, as many do, for the cheaper cost of living. For what he was paying in rent and gas to live in California, he was able to move to downtown Austin and still live comfortably. He is now a regular to the Rainey Street area and is very content with his lifestyle.

All of these factors make the area more appealing and marketable, especially to young professionals in California. The urban luxury lifestyle of nearby high rises are marketed with the “live here, play here” appeal to this demographic.  Many people hear about the existence of Rainey Street by someone they know. In fact, each tourist I spoke with came to Rainey because a friend recommended it. This truly is the best form of marketing and it appears to be working. The cool factor of Rainey Street is the perfect setting for hungry real estate.

Though this has been a local hot spot and tourist attraction for the past few years, many developers and investors have other plans for this downtown prime real estate. The owner of Lustre Pearl, the first bar on Rainey, has chosen to sell her land and relocate. The building is going to be demolished as part of a plan to build another high-rise apartment complex.[4] This will be the third high-rise in the Historic District. These high rises will only further fuel the gentrification process as the remaining residents on the street are expected to have trouble keeping up with the inflated property taxes and rapidly rising rents.

With this trend occurring on Rainey Street, it’s uncertain to me how long it will remain a social venue for the local community. The appearance of Rainey Street has changed dramatically over the past 10 years. The neighborhood was a single-family residential area for over 100 years. In the past 7 years we can see the gentrification take place. High rises, bars, food trailers and parking meters have been added to its landscape. Foot traffic increased tremendously as businesses opened in the area.  Many families who have been there for years have left. The demographic changed from middle class white families, to low income working class Mexican Americans, to finally all ethnicities who can afford the lifestyle.            

With these changes occurring so rapidly in such a short period of time, I think it would be foolish to assume that Rainey Street will remain as we see it today. Even more so, I find it very interesting that it has only been a short 28 years that the Rainey Street has been listed on the National Register of Historic Places, yet so much of its history is already gone.[5] What Rainey Street will look like in the next 10 years is anyone’s guess. Time will tell if it remains a historic district. My guess is that the area will continue to cash in on its cool factor for a while longer. It will re-gentrify again as businesses leave and real estate developers take over the land. The most important part is that somewhere in Austin, another hot spot will emerge for those of us who miss the vibe of the good old days when we used to hang out on Rainey Street.

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[1] http://www.austinchronicle.com/food/2012-05-25/the-ghost-of-developers-past/

[2] http://downtownaustinblog.org/2011/04/12/downtown-austin-census-data-in-perspective/

[3] http://impactnews.com/austin-metro/central-austin/paid-parking-begins-in-rainey-street-district/

[4] http://www.kxan.com/dpp/news/local/austin/more-changes-for-rainey-street-district

[5] http://www.austintexas.gov/department/national-register-historic-districts

The Inviolable Personal Bubble by Giacomo Yaquinto

            

 

 Most Austin neighborhoods have experienced incredible change over the last twelve and a half years. Whether one considers demographics, property values, or simply total population, Austin today is not the same place it was in 2000. Of course, change can be positive or negative or something in between. That being said, it’s important to consider how change is affecting the city’s culture.

            Shoal Creek Boulevard can be divided into five sections between 38^th Street and Foster Lane. Visually speaking, the sections are easily recognized by the shifts in lot size and architectural style. The same stretch can also be divided by US Census Tract. It falls into Census Tracts 2.04, 2.06, and 15.01. I will focus on the section of Shoal Creek Blvd. between 45^th St. and Allandale Rd. My focus area is located within Tract 2.06. It makes up the southern end of the relatively affluent Allandale neighborhood. Based on my observations, the area is going through a period of renewal. While the area doesn’t seem to have ever entered a period of decline, it seems to be attracting new residents who are apt to make substantial changes to the existing properties. A surprising number of these new homeowners has embraced a desire to physically barricade their front yards from the public sidewalks and bike lanes that run parallel to their property.

            A distinction needs to be made between a traditional picket fence and what’s being built in my focus area. It’s important to recognize that private property is private. Putting a fence in the front yard isn’t a new idea. Arguably, the picket fence is an archetypal feature of the classic American home. However, traditional picket fences are short and have an almost equal balance of filled and empty space. They separate private space from public space, but they allow interaction. Although they often block access to the walk leading to the front door, the message they convey feels negotiable and somewhat informal. The structures being built in my focus area are different. Typically, they are built of stone or concrete. Often, they are taller than a picket fence would be. In the instances they’ve been designed to limit access to the home’s front door, their message is absolute and intransigent. Rather than simply demarcating the boundary between private and public, their purpose is the “policing of social boundaries” (Davis 193).

            Don Mitchell has written extensively about the privatization of public space. His notion of the “personal bubble of inviolable private property” is especially relevant to understanding the likely cause behind the desire to build physical barriers that is developing in my focus area (Mitchell 211). Specifically, it is the “right to be left alone” (Mitchell 216) that grew out of the right to an inviolable personal bubble that is particularly important. These ideas have sprouted from recently enacted laws that were designed to not only limit how people physically interact in public, but also to limit how people communicate in public. Arguably, the barriers being constructed on Shoal Creek Blvd. represent an embodiment of limiting public interaction. In this case, it’s the homeowner who’s defined the size of the inviolable bubble. The barriers ensure maximum individual space while simultaneously restricting to the public sidewalk space the possibility for community interaction. The barriers discourage anyone from approaching the property so that the homeowner can be left alone. In contrast to community models in which:

            [p]eople are dealing with each other, willing to express themselves, rather than storing             up their grievances in private, where the character of their enemies and themselves             becomes black-and-white clear. Multiple points of contact with different elements in a             city diffuse hostility to the point where an individual will despair of defining some safe,             secure attributes of his own identity and social space, (Sennett 155-56)

what’s happening on Shoal Creek Blvd. looks to be the nascent stages of what Soja refers to as “carceral archipelagos” (376).

            The trend is striking because it seems to run against the community values that one might expect to find in a neighborhood like my section of Allandale. The estimated median home value in 2011 (the most current data available) was $334,800 +/- $34,508 (American FactFinder). Based on my observations, residents seem to enjoy spending time outside, and they take advantage of the sidewalks and bike lanes. Local realtors focus on the fact that people who move to Allandale stay there (Reilly). With that in mind, perhaps my focus area is a self-contained anomaly. The trend hasn’t caught on with residents who live south of 45^th St. or north of Allandale Rd.

            The trend is also striking because my section of Allandale’s minority population shrank between 2000 and 2010. According to US Census data, in 2000, the white, one race only population was 84.3%. As of 2010, the white, one race only population was 89.3%. I should note that the comparison isn’t perfect. In 2000, my focus area was part of US Census Tract 2.01. In 2010, US Census Tract 2.01 became Tract 2.05 and 2.06. However, even if one combines the data from Tract 2.05 and 2.06 there was still a visible contraction in the number of minority residents between 2000 – 2010. In 2000 Tract 2.01 had 218 Black or African American Residents. By 2010, Tracts 2.05 and 2.06 had a combined population of only 196 Black or African American Residents, a roughly 10% decrease.

            According to the Austin Police Department’s statistics, the incidence of crime in my focus area has been dropping. The department has published the number of incidents of murder, rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson for the years 2003 – 2011 by zip code. On average 1,270 offenses were committed per year in my focus area between 2003 – 2011. However, in 2011, there were only 1,164 combined incidents, lower than any other year for which data is available, and nearly 9% below the 9-year average.

            One might argue that, contrary to a need to construct an impenetrable bubble, the people constructing these barriers have done so because they find them architecturally pleasing, they want to keep dogs off the lawn, or for some other benign reason. Based on my observations, I would argue against a benign motivation for two reasons. First, as I’ve suggested, building materials and techniques convey specific messages. At some point, the homeowners who’ve constructed these barriers decided to build a structure with a specific presence to convey a clear message. Second, based on my observations, the people who’ve constructed these barriers seem to have done so through their own initiative. As I’ve pointed out, between 2000 – 2011, not only did property values increase dramatically in my focus area, but the area also got less diverse and the crime rate went down. Generally speaking, these trends should’ve motivated residents to remove barriers from their yards.

            Again, I must concede that my focus area may represent an anomalous trend. Based on the numbers, it’s occurred without residents taking into consideration property value, racial and ethnic demographics, or changes in the incidence of crime. There is something odd about the development of semi-walled proto-compounds within a neighborhood that still seems to be community oriented. Unfortunately, the very nature of the barriers made it difficult to contact residents directly to ask them about the intent of their barriers. After multiple visits to the area, I never once saw a property owner who lived in one of the houses with a front yard barrier. Whatever the motivation, the rise of built barriers is in line with both Davis’ and Mitchell’s observations of life in the postmodern city. The affluent have created impenetrable spaces to ensure maximum private freedom while simultaneously limiting any potential public discomfort.

Works Cited

American FactFinder. United States Census Bureau, U.S. Department of Commerce. Web. 7 Jul.             2013.

Austin Police Department. Crime Stats Listed by Zip Code. City of Austin. Web. 7 Jul. 2013.

Davis, Mike. “Excavating the Future in Los Angeles.” The Blackwell City Reader. Eds. Bridge,             Gary and Sophie Watson. 2^nd ed. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. 193-200. Print.

Mitchell, Don. “The S.U.V. Model of Citizenship: Floating Bubbles, Buffer Zones, and the Rise of             the ‘Purely Atomic’ Individual”. The Blackwell City Reader. Eds. Bridge, Gary and Sophie             Watson. 2^nd ed. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. 211-20. Print.

Reilly, Michael. Allandale Homes For Sale. Reilly Realtors, 2013. Web. 7 Jul. 2013

Sennett, Richard. The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf

            Inc., 1970. Print.

Soja, Edward W. “Six Discourses on the Postmetropolis.” The Blackwell City Reader. Eds. Bridge,             Gary and Sophie Watson. 2^nd ed. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. 374-81. Print.

The Mueller Development: An Examination of Gentrification and Disneyfication in East Austin by Garrett Rogerson

            The Mueller New Urbanism Development is one of the hottest new areas in Austin. Located in East Austin on the site of the old Mueller Airport, the development has been hailed as a shining example of progress for turning a vacant, decrepit site into a modern, progressive community. However, the redevelopment of this site is, like many things in urban affairs, a double-edged sword. Mueller is envisioned and marketed as a diverse, livable community where residents can live, work, and play all in one place. However, in my observations, I have found that the ideal vision of Mueller is more the exception than the rule. Instead, Mueller has developed into a community of predominantly wealthy, white residents in a traditionally minority controlled space who have - intentionally or not - settled down in their own protected enclave and served as trailblazers for the gentrification of the surrounding East Austin neighborhoods.

            Before discussing the positive and negative aspects of the development and its effects on its surroundings, it is first necessary to give some background information and a brief history of the site. Mueller is constructed on the former site of the Robert Mueller Municipal Airport, which was Austin's primary airport until it was replaced by Bergstrom International Airport in 1999. The site remained vacant for years, and in 2004 the Austin City Council reached an agreement with real estate giant Catellus for the development of the site (Catellus website). Ground broke on the development in 2007, and though construction is still very much ongoing, the development has started to take shape. Mueller is designed to be a prototypical example of New Urbanism, which according to Catellus is meant to eliminate traffic and sprawl through walkability and livability, be on the forefront of sustainability, foster a sense of community & diversity, and “closely resemble the small town of pre-war America” (Catellus website). The development contains apartment complexes, retail stores, restaurants, and offices in rather close proximity to one another, sometimes in the same structures, as well as an area of single-family housing. As we will discuss, the utopian ideal has not completely translated into reality.

            Though not quite to the extreme level embodied by Celebration, FL (lecture), Mueller is a textbook example of the phenomenon known as Disneyfication. The community is a utopia, with the unwritten caveat that one must meet a certain, rather mid to high-income threshold in order to enjoy its benefits. The large, pristine houses in the development sit on tree-lined streets and have well maintained front gardens (the typical lawn has been eliminated under the tenants of New Urbanism). The single family housing development in Mueller also enjoys access to multiple parks, a community swimming pool, and the many acres of green space that has been built into the Mueller development. Also, while considering it “walkable” might be a stretch, the local HEB, retail establishments and planned "town center" (which is to contain restaurants, a cinema, and a hotel) are certainly close by. These houses, aside from being designed in a different architectural manner, are hardly different from houses in the prototypical American bedroom community, allowing its residents to stay within their bubble of fantasy and completely isolate themselves from most of the world. On a larger scale, the entire development is isolated at least to some extent. Though one of Catellus' "Principles of New Urbanism" is ease of access to transit (Catellus website), bus service is sporadic, and there is no rail. The western end of the development does border IH-35 and Airport Boulevard, but is constructed so that there is a barrier - either in the form of the backs of large retail buildings or through green space - between the development and the rest of the city. All things considered, Mueller is a great example of Disneyfication thanks to the emasculate nature, exclusivity, and self containment of its space.

            Through my observations, Mueller also seems to be contributing substantially to gentrification. Though few, if any people have been displaced by the physical construction of the site, that doesn't mean Mueller doesn't have a gentrifying effect. The development has raised property values in the surrounding areas, forcing some residents to leave their homes because they could not afford rising property taxes. Sadly, many of these homeowners were ones who had already invested enough time and money into their property to have it completely paid off. This is a theme throughout the city of Austin which Mueller has unfortunately been a part of (Scott, KXAN). Also, another tenant of New Urbanism is diversity in housing options and community makeup (Catellus website). This is the single biggest point of contention I have with the Catellus plan. The developer promises that at least 25% of housing in the Mueller development will be affordable to those making 80% or less, and in some cases 60% or less of Austin's median family income (Catellus website). Additionally, there is currently a lottery system to get into any houses that are deemed “affordable.” After multiple visits to the area and examination of census data, it is clear that this is not even close to reality. The most recent census figures show the area being overwhelmingly white (US Census Bureau), and my personal observations confirm that the residents are not only white, but also mostly affluent, which can be ascertained through data like rent and home prices (Catellus website) and also the types of cars lining the street. As the development continues to grow, it seems that it is headed in a direction of being a major spearhead in the incursion of well off whites into traditional low and middle income minority spaces in East Austin.

            Does Mueller live up to its promise as a model of New Urbanism? Undoubtedly, there are some tenants of New Urbanism that Mueller has fully embodied. It is argued by the New Urbanists that all of the development has used the most modern, sustainable construction techniques, and there are acres upon acres of green space that give the area high marks in terms of environmental friendliness. Catellus touts the "Adaptive reuse of the former airport site," and it is true that there is much economic good to be had by transforming Mueller from a run down, vacant airport to an economic hub, almost a mini edge city. However, some of the vision of what Mueller would look like has been compromised, or even ignored. The development was supposed to be an employment hub, where residents could live just a short walk from work. There are many jobs, some of them middle and upper income even (Dell Children's Hospital, UT Pediatric Research, etc.), but the vast majority of employment in Mueller is low end service industries, paying nowhere near enough to live in the development. Also, the scale of the development means that it may be difficult for those few residents that do both live and work there to actually walk to work. As mentioned before, whether intentional or not, the mission of having a diverse community has fallen flat on its face. Mueller is predominantly white and overwhelmingly affluent, and that doesn't look to change any time soon.

This account is not meant to be a value judgment on the Mueller development. As I have outlined, the transformation of a vacant airport into the Mueller of today has significant benefits to the economy of the city, but ignore the negative externalities it has had on nearby residents or to hold it up as a model to be replicated in the future is foolish. Mueller should be looked back on in the future; not to be emulated, but because it is clear that Mueller has become a textbook example of both gentrification and Disneyfication. Neither one of these is inherently good or bad - or at least we haven't judged them as such as a society at large - but it is clear that they are unintended consequences. Continuing to follow the growth and progress of the Mueller development, both for what is right and what is wrong, is a worthwhile endeavor for planners, geographers, and anyone with even a casual interest in creating an economically and socially robust city in the future.

1.)   Class Lectures

2.)   Mueller Development Website (Run by Developer Catellus). http://www.muelleraustin.com

3.)   US Census Beuaru. 2010 Census Interactive Population Map. http:// http://www.census.gov/2010census/popmap/

4.)   “Higher Cost of Living Squeezing Many Out of Their Homes”. David Scott. 28 June 2013. KXAN News – Austin. http://www.kxan.com/dpp/news/local/austin/higher-cost-of-living-squeezing-many-out-of-thier-homes

The New North Loop by Shannon Lemex

Collage: The Epoch Coffee House is a unique place in north campus, it attracts an eclectic group of people. The cafe features art pieces by local artists, they serve simple coffee, related drinks, and foodstuffs. The crowd encompasses everything from grungy, aging artists to yuppies and youthful, new-age hippies. In my collage I feature two things, the decor chosen by the operators of Epoch, and the hair styling chosen by the patrons of Epoch.

            There are two main groups of people to be found at Epoch, those who are there to work and those who are they to socialize or relax.  These two groups have one thing in common – a desire for caffeine. Everyone has some sort of caffeinated beverage in front of them.  The space has been designed to accommodate both types of patrons. Indoors, there are plenty of tables, some tucked away in corners and others in the middle of it all.  There are also comfy loveseats and armchairs for those who wish to recline in a less formal way.  One initially odd aspect of the space that struck me are the many extension cords running along the ceiling and dangling all over the café.  The owners of Epoch have learned to cater to their working crowd; they ensure that every industrious customer has access to an electrical outlet.  Outdoors is an assortment of tables and chairs, as well as stools standing at long counter-like tops.  The type and arrangement of seating outdoors caters to those who come in pairs or groups.  Aside from the basics of seating and arrangement, one can look at the décor and clearly see it was chosen to appeal to the demographic found in the North Loop neighborhood.  The walls are decorated with pieces by local artists, mostly paintings.  These painting features rock icons, bizarre portraits, and others are abstracts.  None of them are the sort of art you would expect to see in a high end restaurant or small museum, it’s ‘real people art’.  Aside from paintings are odd little knick-knacks, like a Starbuck’s logo that’s had some letters strategically blacked out to spell a vulgar way to tell someone to go away.  The people who frequent Epoch are younger, typically aren’t that well established, and seem to seek out a place that reflects what their chosen lifestyle.  They come for a place that’s unpretentious, that’s got a taste of something local, not a fancy modern café or a traditional European style bistro.  And, of course, they come to satiate their addiction to caffeine.

            Look around the place and you can tell the people in charge have made a distinct effort to present the space in such a way that it appeals to the locals and local culture.  The current local culture of the area is somewhat contrived; the area has recently become one more of many places in Austin to undergo gentrification, and it continues to do so.  It’s not as apparent in North Loop, but many homes and small apartment complexes are being renovated and refurbished to attract students, young professionals, and the dreaded hipster.  Vintage resale stores, wanna-be dive bars, and bike shops are unavoidable.  Rather than possessing an authentic culture that has developed over time and become ingrained in the place, North Loop has been given a carefully thought out faux-culture to attract a particular resident.  In a way, it’s a sort of performance put on with the cooperation of investors, developers, and local business operators, rather than being a performance driven by current residents.  People buy into it and pay to be a part of it because it’s desirable to be a part of the demographic represented, to be a part of the young, educated, cultured, and rising generation that may very well someday be part of the elite.

            Epoch itself is used by a relatively wide variety of people.  Many are students of some sort, reading books, typing away, or even spread out across a table drafting.  Others are people looking for a quiet, but somewhat lively, place to read.  Some are older, obviously retired, and enjoying a coffee and a pastry.  In a wider sense, North Loop is populated mostly by young, educated, possibly employed white kids that are currently renting from a lucky property owner.  In the neighborhood at large, there really is very little variety, as property and rent costs limit who can live there.  The thing I love about Epoch is that you can order a snack and a drink for under five dollars (try that at Starbucks or even Medici).  I think this is part of what attributes to their variety of patrons, you don’t need to spend ten bucks to have a drink and a snack.  Plus, coffee refills for fifty cents.  In the sense that Epoch is affordable and accessible, it is a democratic space.  It’s welcoming to all sorts of people and easily accessible by foot, bike, bus, or vehicle.  However, North Loop itself is not as democratic of a space.  It’s quite difficult to become a property owner in the area, and, to a certain extent, even to rent.

            One thing that makes the North Loop area and Epoch in particular a more democratic space is its accessibility.  The area is pedestrian friendly, cyclist friendly, and car friendly.  Bike lanes are abundant, sidewalks go nearly everywhere (though they may not be in great shape), and North Loop Boulevard itself is easy to find and easily navigable.  The boulevard extends between Airport and Lamar, two sizable thoroughfares, making it easy to get to from many surrounding areas.  Also, multiple bus routes run through or around the neighborhood.  The North Loop area is a smaller community, and maybe not a very well known one in the greater Austin area, but to those willing to look for it tend to find it a very desirable location.  Because of its desirability it isn’t the most inclusive place.  North Loop Boulevard will likely be the largest road through the area, keeping traffic to a certain lower level.  Also, the cost of living there ensures that only a particular demographic can inhabit the neighborhood.  North Loop seems to be more accessible than many parts of the city, but is still somewhat hidden away by living expense.

            North Loop wasn’t always so desirable.  In the past fourteen years the cost of housing and property taxes has sky rocketed since the closure of the Mueller airport in 1999.  Once, the neighborhood was avoided due to low flying planes preparing to land just to the east of North Loop at the municipal airport.  Now that Mueller airport has been closed and the area is being converted into a new urban development[i], North Loop has become the new ‘it’ spot.  Its central location and older suburban charm have drawn many from the city and other cities.  One populated by smaller homes and bungalows built for returning GIs[ii], North Loop is now being transformed into a neighborhood of larger, multifamily homes and apartment complexes.  Whether or not you see the development of North Loop as a form of progress or the loss of culture, history, and place depends on what you value.  Property taxes are rising and bringing more money into the city, population density is increasing and creating a demand for more services and infrastructure, and development is rejuvenating and changing an area that was long ignored by the city.  At the same time the small houses, families, and tight knit communities are disappearing as the neighborhood changes.  People are moving further into the suburbs so they can rent out their property and turn a profit.  Long established small businesses are being out competed or bought out by newer, cooler ones that appeal to the changing demographic.  The new culture and feel of North Loop has become a commodity, and a very profitable one.  As this new commodity is marketed and sold, what the neighborhood once was is very carefully being replaced and forgotten.  Progress comes at a price, and whether or not the cost is worth the loss is all reliant upon what you value in a place.

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[i] Mueller Redevelopment. City of Austin. <http://www.austintexas.gov/department/mueller-redevelopment>

[ii] Meyer, Stephanie (2012). North Loop is Latest Austin Neighborhood to Get a Face Lift. Austin Post Beta. <http://www.austinpost.org/boom-town/north-loop-latest-austin-neighborhood-get-face-lift>